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TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century
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1960
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1994-02-27
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<text>
<title>
(1960s) China-Soviet-U.S. Relations
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1960s Highlights
</history>
<link 08149>
<link 07774>
<link 06884>
<link 00179><link 00180><article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
China-Soviet-U.S. Relations
</hdr>
<body>
<p> [The Soviets' unhappiness about political innovation and the
potential crack in the defensive solidarity of the Warsaw Pact
arose at least in part from the parlous state of their relations
with the Chinese. The formerly solid partnership had deteriorated
over the years into outright hostility. By 1969, the Soviets and
Chinese were shooting at each other at several points along their
4,000-mile frontier.]
</p>
<p>(March 14, 1969)
</p>
<p> The Chinese call it Chen Po, or Treasure. The Russians call
it Damansky. Both claim the tiny, uninhabited island, located
in the mist of the frozen Ussuri river that forms the common
border of Communism's premier countries. Precisely what happened
there last week, in the bleak, snow-swept wilderness of eastern
Asia, may never be fully known. Only Moscow has offered the
world a reasonably detailed--but doubtless in part self-serving--account. Both Moscow and Peking agree, however, that the
violence along the Ussuri was for several hours as close to war
as the two countries have come in the long succession of border
incidents and shootouts since their ideological split in 1960. At
least the equivalent of a battalion of men were engaged on either
side, and armor, artillery, mortars and heavy machine guns were
employed before the battle was over. The Russians claim that 31
Soviet border guards were killed and 14 wounded: the Chinese
casualties are unknown.
</p>
<p>(October 17, 1969)
</p>
<p> For much of 1969, the threat of a major conflict hovered over
the 4500-mile frontier between the Soviet Union and China. In
at least two all-out battles this year on the Ussuri and Amur
rivers, which separate Siberia and Manchuria, the Soviets called
in armor and heavy artillery to pound the Chinese. Tensions rose
to the point where the Soviets hinted that they might even
launch a preventive strike against China's nuclear installations
unless Peking agreed to negotiations aimed at settling the
conflict. The war of nerves was threatening to get out of hand.
Last week, after months of trying to face down the stronger
Soviets, the Chinese blinked first.
</p>
<p> In a dramatic retreat from past intransigence, Peking agreed
to discuss the border issue with the Soviets. At the same time,
the Chinese urged that troops massed along the border be pulled
back and that no force be used. They also expressed the hope
that relations between the two governments could be normalized,
despite the nine-year-old ideological rift that has separated
them.
</p>
<p> What caused Peking's retreat? Most Western analysts were
certain that the Chinese backed down out of fear. Moscow's hints
of preventive nuclear strikes finally convinced at least one
faction of Peking's leadership that the Russians meant business
and the time had come to face reality and yield before superior
Soviet power. As Peking's most notable apostle of flexibility,
Premier Chou En-lai is believed to be the guiding effort behind
the policy switch.
</p>
<p> [The breadth and depth of the Sino-Soviet split drove both
the Chinese and the Soviets toward the U.S. At decades's end
there were new signs of thaw with both countries, as the U.S.
and Soviet Union opened negotiations that would result in the
first SALT treaty and the ABM treaty of 1972, and contacts
between U.S. and Chinese diplomats looked toward the eventual
American recognition of the Peking government.]
</p>
<p>(November 21, 1969)
</p>
<p> With suitable benedictions from their leaders and the best
wishes of peaceable men everywhere, U.S. and Russian negotiators
this week meet in Helsinki. They are coming to the Finnish
capital to start talks on the most vital and sensitive
disarmament issue ever negotiated between the two sides. The
object of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) is to find
a way for both sides to agree on a plan that will limit, and
perhaps some day reduce their vast nuclear arsenals.
</p>
<p> One reason why both sides were eager to start at this
particular time is that the superpowers have reached a delicate
balance of terror. After a crash program to install more SS-9
and SS-11 land-based missiles, the Soviets apparently feel that
they have reached parity with the U.S. Behind SALT is the
urgency to achieve a halt in the development of nuclear weaponry
before one side or the other achieves another technical
breakthrough that will start a new spiral in the arms race.
</p>
<p>(December 26, 1969)
</p>
<p> In the unlikely setting of a fashion show staged early this
month by a Yugoslav embassy in the Palace of Culture in Warsaw,
U.S. Ambassador Walter Stoessel managed to engage the
interpreter of the Chinese embassy in a brief conversation.
Between any other two men in the room, the encounter would have
gone unnoticed. But as Stoessel and the interpreter chatted,
other diplomats in the room looked on in surprise. For the first
time in nearly two years, American and Chinese representatives
had established direct contact.
</p>
<p> After a long period of self-imposed isolation, Peking has
apparently decided to recommence at least a measure of diplomatic
contact with the West. As a result of the fashion-show
conversations, Stoessel was invited to the Chinese embassy for a
meeting with Charge d'Affaires Lei Yang. The two men talked and
sipped tea for more than an hour. Though the content of their
discussion is secret, President Nixon's top foreign policy
advisers are convinced that Peking may well be on the verge of
resuming formal talks with the U.S.
</p>
<p> The Nixon Administration is anxious to draw China out of its
"angry, alienated shell," as Under-Secretary of State Elliot
Richardson put it recently. The U.S. fully realizes that it
cannot effect any lasting solutions in Vietnam and Southeast
Asia without at least some cooperation from China. Also,
Washington worries that a lack of contact between China and the
U.S. might embolden the Russians to blackmail or attack China.
Washington would like to make the Russians less certain of
impunity in the event they decided to start a war against the
Chinese.</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>